As the US presidential election polling day draws close, it’s worth recapping what we know about how Facebook has been used to  influence election results.

The platform is optimised for boosting politically conservative voices calling for  fascism, separatism and xenophobia. It’s also these voices that tend to generate  the most clicks.

In recent years, Facebook has on several occasions been made to choose between keeping to its  community standards  or taking a path that avoids the ire of conservatives. Too many times, it has chosen the latter.

The result has been an onslaught of divisive rhetoric that continues to flood the platform and drive political polarisation in society.

How democracy can be subverted online

According to  The New York Times, earlier this year US intelligence officials warned Russia was interfering in the 2020 presidential campaign, with the goal of seeing President Donald Trump re-elected.

This was corroborated by  findings  from the US Brennan Centre for Justice. A research team led by journalism and communications professor Young Mie Kim identified a range of Facebook troll accounts deliberately sowing division “by targeting both the left and right, with posts to foment outrage, fear and hostility”.

Most were linked to Russia’s Internet Research Agency (IRA),  the company  also behind a 2016 US election influence campaign. Kim  wrote  the troll accounts seemed to discourage certain people from voting, with a focus on swing states.

This month, Facebook  announced  a ban (across both Facebook and Instagram, which Facebook owns) on groups and pages devoted to the far-right conspiracy group QAnon. It also  removed  a network of fake accounts linked to a conservative US political youth group, for violating rules against “coordinated inauthentic behavior”.

However, despite Facebook’s  repeated promises  to clamp down harder on such behaviour — and  occasional  efforts to actually do so — the company has been  widely  criticised  for doing far too little to curb the spread of disinformation, misinformation and election meddling.

According to a  University of Oxford study, 70 countries (including Australia) practised either foreign or domestic election meddling in 2019. This was up from 48 in 2018 and 28 in 2017. The study said Facebook was “the platform of choice” for this.

The Conversation approached Facebook for comment regarding the platform’s use by political actors to influence elections, including past US elections. A Facebook spokesperson said:

We’ve hired experts, built teams with experience across different areas, and created new products, policies and partnerships to ensure we’re ready for the unique challenges of the US election.

When Facebook favoured one side

Facebook has drawn widespread criticism for its failure to remove posts that clearly violate its policies on hate speech, including  posts  by Trump himself.

The company openly  exempts  politicians from its fact-checking program and knowingly hosts misleading content from politicians, under its “newsworthiness exception”.

When Facebook tried to clamp down on misinformation in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential elections,  ex-Republican staffer  turned Facebook executive Joel Kaplan argued doing so would disproportionately target conservatives, the Washington Post  reported.

The Conversation asked Facebook whether Kaplan’s past political affiliations indicated a potential for conservative bias in his current role. The question wasn’t answered.

Facebook’s board also now features a  major Trump donor  and vocal supporter, Peter Thiel. Facebook’s chief executive Mark Zuckerberg has himself been accused of  getting “too close”  to  Trump.

Moreover, when the US Federal Trade Commission investigated Facebook’s role in the Cambridge Analytica scandal, it was  Republican votes  that saved the company from facing antitrust litigation.

Overall, Facebook’s model has shifted  towards increasing polarisation. Incendiary and misinformation-laden posts tend to generate clicks.

As Zuckerberg himself  notes, “when left unchecked, people on the platform engage disproportionately” with such content.

Over the years, conservatives have accused Facebook of  anti-conservative bias, for which the company faced  financial penalties by the Republican Party. This is despite research indicating  no such bias exists  on the platform.

Fanning the flames

Facebook’s  addictive  news feed rewards us for simply skimming headlines, conditioning us to react viscerally.

Its sharing features have been found to  promote falsehoods. They can  trick users  into attributing news to their friends, causing them to assign trust to unreliable news sources. This provides a breeding ground for  conspiracies.

Studies  have also shown social media to be an ideal environment for campaigns aimed at creating mistrust, which explains the increasing  erosion of trust in science and expertise.

Worst of all are Facebook’s “echo chambers”, which convince people that only their own opinions are mainstream. This encourages hostile “us versus them” dialogue, which leads to polarisation. This pattern  suppresses valuable democratic debate  and has been described as an  existential threat to democracy itself.

Meanwhile, Facebook’s staff hasn’t been shy about skewing liberal, even suggesting in 2016 that Facebook work to  prevent Trump’s election. Around 2017, they proposed a feature called “Common Ground”, which would have encouraged users with different political beliefs to interact in less hostile ways.

Kaplan opposed the proposition, according to  The Wall Street Journal, due to fears it could trigger claims of bias against conservatives. The project was eventually shelved in 2018.

Facebook’s track record isn’t good news for those who want to live in a healthy democratic state. Polarisation certainly doesn’t lead to effective political discourse.

While several  blog  posts  from the company outline measures being taken to supposedly protect the integrity of the 2020 US presidential elections, it remains to be seen what this means in reality.

Written by Michael Brand,  Monash University. Republished with permission of The Conversation.